|
Living Positively in a a Time of AIDS
Living Positively with AIDS: A Lesson
from Uganda
From New Directions in Sexual
Ethics by Kevin T. Kelly, Geoffrey Chapman, 1998, Ch. 8
The subtitle of this book is Moral
Theology and the Challenge of AIDS. Having listened to the challenge of the
AIDS pandemic in Chapter One, we have been exploring how Christian sexual
ethics should respond. These closing two chapters bring us back to where we
began, the AIDS pandemic and its impact on developing countries. This chapter
will look at some of the practical implications of 'living positively with
AIDS' and will examine some good and some questionable Church practice. The
final chapter situates the AIDS pandemic in a global frame and suggests that
responding to the challenge of 'living positively with AIDS' could actually be
a time of grace for our world.
I first heard the expression 'living
positively with AIDS' from the lips of Noerine Kaleeba, a Ugandan woman whom I
was privileged to meet in Kampala. She is an extraordinary person. Her personal
story is a living example of the meaning of 'living positively with AIDS'.
Noerine was more fortunate than many
Ugandan women in that she had a good education. This led to her becoming a
physiotherapist in the major hospital in Kampala. Her husband, Chris., worked
in Adult Education and eventually got a scholarship to do a PhD at Hull
University. He came to England in 1985. This was right in the middle of
Uganda's second civil war in 10 years. During the winter of 1985 Noerine and
her four daughters spent 3 days hidden in a cellar without food and water,
hiding from Obote's fleeing soldiers who were killing and raping as they left.
On 6 June 1986 Noerine got news that Chris was seriously ill in hospital in
Hull. She was told he had AIDS.
At that time, she knew little about
AIDS, connecting it with white homosexual men in San Francisco, though there
had been rumours of a similar condition in the Ugandan border region of Rakai.
Naturally, Noerine told her family, friends, neighbours and work colleagues
about Chris's illness. She thought nothing of letting them know he had
AIDS,
She flew to England and found Chris
was desperately ill. The doctors counselled Noerine to have an HIV test
herself. This proved negative but they warned her that this did not guarantee
she was not infected with HIV She would need to have another test at a later
stage. For the sake of her daughters, Noerine had to leave Chris in September
and return home. When she got back to Uganda, she found that nearly everyone
began to shun her and her daughters. Due to ignorance, they thought that AIDS
was infectious in a similar way to measles. This was a very difficult and
isolating time for Noerine., especially with the additional strain of her being
separated from Chris in his illness. When Chris's health showed some signs of
improvement, he was able to return to Uganda in October. However, he soon had
to go into hospital in Kampala. There, to Noerine's horror, the nurses would
not even enter his room and she herself had to do all the nursing, even quite
technical medical procedures. As well as shunning her, people were just waiting
for Noerine herself to show signs of AIDS and start dying. The only support
that Noerine and Chris got at this time was from a little group of people whose
lives had also been affected by AIDS. In fact, twelve of them actually had AIDS
themselves.
Eventually Chris died from
AIDS-related meningitis. Noerine was totally devastated by his death, by the
terrible pain in which he died and by the way she and her daughters had been
treated. To make matters worse, although Chris had made a will, it was not
sufficiently specific to override local custom. Consequently, in accordance
with the patriarchal traditions of their culture, the house in which Noerine
and her daughters were living and the bit of land that went with it did not go
to her and her children but to her husband's brother. Ironically, it was only
much later that Noerine discovered that Chris had probably been infected with
HIV due to a blood transfusion (8 units) he had received from his brother after
he had been knocked down by a bus in 1983. That brother died of AIDS the year
after Chris.
Noerine believes that one of the gifts
God has given her is a positive approach to life. If something is wrong and can
be changed, she must do whatever she can to make things better. What she
experienced in the course of Chris's illness and death convinced her that there
was a great deal wrong in Uganda with regard to the AIDS scene:
- the medical care for people with AIDS was
appalling;
- ignorance about AIDS was causing people living with
AIDS, along with their children, to be shunned by everyone;
- the cultural subordination of women was creating a
whole host of problems and these were either contributing to the spread of AIDS
or were making it even more difficult for women whose husbands were
infected
- parents with AIDS were fearful about what could
happen to their children when they died.
Noerine got together the sixteen
people who had formed the little support group which had been so helpful to
Chris and herself. They decided to try to do something practical to improve
things at all these different levels. From this small beginning TASO (The AIDS
Support Organization) was born. By 1994 when I visited Uganda, it was having a
major impact on the AIDS scene in Kampala and many other parts of the country
and was being seen as a model for other countries to follow.
Initially TASO concentrated on
information-giving and counselling. The only messages people were receiving
were 'AIDS kills' and 'Love faithfully and beat AIDS'. Neither of these slogans
offered any hope to people who were already HIV positive. Noerine believed that
they needed something more to empower them to live their lives positively.
Counselling and good medical care were both needed. But factors which affected
the whole family also had to be faced. So there was a need for a more
holistically directed approach, including tackling the issue of behaviour
change. TASO gradually developed a whole system of health workers, local
clinics and trained specialist nurses to work with people with AIDS. To combat
ignorance about HIV/AIDS they trained local community workers and established a
comprehensive network of them in different parts of Uganda. They also
established a body of trained counsellors. These were in great demand since it
is not easy for a young person to discover that he or she will die soon, and
even harder if they have a young family. To tackle the problem of women left
without home or land they developed a whole series of income-generating
projects for widows and orphans to help them be self-supporting. They also
formed women's support groups to try to change the abuse of women in their
culture. Linked to this they began working with a group of women lawyers who
were trying to make the law more respectful of women and who were promoting the
making of wills which would safeguard the rights of women when their husbands
died. And finally, they got funding to pay the school fees for AIDS orphans to
enable them to have a better chance in life.
When I visited TASO in 1994 they were
supporting 370 orphans over an 8-year schooling programme. Sadly, they had a
further 15,000 orphans on their books whom they had assessed as needing help.
By 1994 TASO had 250 paid staff and its budget, mainly from overseas relief
agencies, was $1.5 million per year. It had also trained 1.800 community
volunteers as AIDS counsellors in the villages. Their paid workers operated in
7 centres across Uganda, all at important points along the TransAfrican
Highway, and their outreach programmes covered a 40 km radius around each
centre. At that time they had decided that they could not expand any further
and so their priority was changing to a broadening of their educational
capacity so that they could help other new groups which are springing up.
Tragically, the majority of the original sixteen founding members of TASO have
already died of AIDS.
Noerine has written up her personal
experience in a very moving little book entitled We Miss You All
(Harare, Zimbabwe, Women & AIDS Support Network, 1991). Her inspiring
but very down-to-earth understanding of what it means to 'live positively with
AIDS' comes out clearly in the following passage:
Living positively with AIDS.
The public health messages were saying 'Beware of AIDS. AIDS kills', 'You catch
it and you are as good as dead'. There were no messages for those people who
were already infected. What was implied was that people who were already
infected should die and get it over. People with HIV and AIDS were seen as
dying. We adopted the slogan of 'Living positively with AIDS' in direct
defiance of that perception. We emphasised living rather than dying with AIDS.
For us it was the quality rather than quantity of life which was important.
Once infected with a deadly virus like HIV people need to take definite steps
to enhance the quality of whatever life they have left. They must develop a
positive attitude to life . . .
The TASO slogan is 'Living positively
with AIDS' and calls on everyone in society, infected or non-infected. To the
person who is infected it calls on them to live responsibly with the HIV
infection in their blood, to face up to the infection as a starting point. It
calls on them to recognise their responsibility to society, the responsibility
to retain the amount of virus they have in their blood, and not spread it
around, by making the effort not to infect others. It also calls upon people
who are infected to look after themselves better, and preserve themselves until
a cure conies. It calls to people who are infected to remain actively involved
in society, and in social activities within society. It also calls upon the
rest of society to support people with HIV infection so that they can fulfil
their obligations . . . Acceptance of people with HIV or AIDS within our
community is a very important starting point for dealing with the problem, (pp.
79-80).
Noerine also mentions why she refused
to have a second HIV test. She was afraid that if it showed her to be HIV
negative, she would be less in solidarity with other people who were living
with AIDS. That is part of how she understands 'living positively with AIDS' in
her own personal life.
This lengthy account of how Noerine
has been living positively with AIDS and how she has inspired so many others to
follow her example might seem a strange way to conclude a book on new
directions in sexual ethics! Yet I believe it is most appropriate. The whole
thrust of this book has been that it is not just individual men and women
infected with HIV who have to live positively with AIDS. We all have to. And I
have been arguing that part of living positively with AIDS for the Christian
Churches involves a renewal and enrichment of our sexual ethics in response to
the challenge of HIV/AIDS.
IS THE CHURCH
LIVING POSITIVELY WITH AIDS?
YES, BUT . . .
Because of my limited knowledge of the
situation in other Churches with regard to HIV/AIDS, my answer will refer
mainly, though not exclusively, to the Roman Catholic Church. Following the
'Yes, but...' or 'No, but . . . style of answer adopted in the previous
chapter, I would suggest that the answer in this case should be 'Yes, but . . .
', even though the 'but. . . ' is a large one!
I say 'Yes, but. . . ' rather than
'No, but. . . ' because my experience on the CAFOD AIDS committee has opened my
eyes to the way so many Christians, right across the world, have responded
extremely positively to the HIV/AIDS tragedy. In many of the developing
countries, it is the Christian Churches who have led the way with immense
heroism and generosity in HIV/AIDS work in all its different facets,
hospital-based medical care, home care, educational work, counselling, caring
for orphans, specialized work with young people, creating viable alternatives
for women forced into prostitution, and so forth. The way CAFOD, for instance,
has responded so creatively to the AIDS pandemic is indicative of a similar
response among many other development agencies. A very moving and informative
account of some magnificent AIDS projects linked together through the World
Council of Church's process, Women and Health and the Challenge of
HIV/AIDS, is found in Gillian Paterson, Love in a Time of AIDS:
Women, Health and the Challenge of HIV (Geneva, WCC Publications and New York,
Orbis, 1996).
I know from personal experience that
much of the funding channelled through the CAFOD AIDS department has gone to
projects which seem to be doing effective work in the following areas:
- education for AIDS prevention by raising awareness
and encouraging behaviour change;
- preventative health care (testing the blood
supply, clean needles, etc.);
- caring for the medical, physical and social needs
of those living with AIDS;
- helping children who have become orphans through
AIDS.
Because of their awareness of the
feminization of poverty dimension, CAFOD are always careful to
examine whether projects take this into account. They know from experience that
some local projects could actually be prejudicial to the interests and
well-being of women. Moreover, CAFOD's involvement has always been based on
listening to and supporting local people in the field. It has also been
self-critical, always ready to learn from mistakes.
What about my large 'but. . . '
attached to my answering, 'Yes, the Church is living positively with AIDS? What
does that large 'but. . . ' refer to?
It refers to the many instances where,
sadly, the Churches seem to be part of the problem rather than part of the
solution. That this is beginning to be recognized comes out in the interesting
phenomenon that some of the CAFOD AIDS staff are increasingly being asked to
help priests, religious and seminarians with issues related to sexual
development and attitudes in their own lives, Tragically; many priests and male
religious still believe in the inferior status of women as much as anyone else
and this shows itself in the way they treat women, even women religious.
Moreover, sadly, many women religious in developing countries have internalized
a belief in their own second-class status. Consequently, this aspect of CAFOD's
work is a case of training the trainers since all these people should really be
playing an important role in facilitating behaviour change. If the Church is to
play its potentially powerful role in combating the underlying causes of the
spread of HIV/AIDS in developing countries, it has first to change itself and
its ministers (men and women) from being an integral part of the problem. I
could offer many other reasons for my suggesting that the 'but. . .' is a very
large one. Many of these would be linked to the kind of issues dealt with in
the third and fourth chapters of this book, namely, the sexual and economic
subordination of women and the current teaching on gay and lesbian
relationships.
However, rather than go over issues
already covered earlier in the book, I would rather examine the question, 'Is
the Church living positively with AIDS?', with particular reference to two
specific issues not yet explored here and which crop up frequently in practice
as well as in ethical discussions about HIV/AIDS. Consequently, I would like to
explore the two questions: (1) Is a diocese or religious congregation living
positively with AIDS if it demands the compulsory testing of candidates for the
priesthood or the religious life? and (2) Is the Church living positively with
AIDS when it opposes condom use as a help towards preventing HIV infection? My
answer will be 'No' to each question.
1. Is a diocese or religious
congregation living positively with AIDS if it demands the compulsory HIV
testing of candidates for the priesthood or the religious life?
The question of compulsory testing is
usually posed as an ethical dilemma focused on the values of personal freedom
and the right to privacy. Like couples entering marriage, candidates for the
priesthood and the religious life are also intending to exercise their freedom
at its highest level in making a life-long commitment. Is compulsory HIV
testing a violation of their freedom and their privacy?
There has been a considerable amount
of writing on this point, putting forward all the points for and against such a
policy. In favour of testing it is argued that such a requirement is not a
violation of the candidate's freedom. After all, the candidate is making a life
commitment to a particular diocese or religious congregation. Surely, it is
claimed, a diocese or congregation has every right to lay down conditions for
entry which they believe to have an important bearing on their ministry and
mission. In a parallel instance, would it be a violation of her fiance's
freedom if a young woman insisted that he should have an HIV test before she
agreed to marry him? In the case of a diocese or religious congregation, it is
argued that it is legitimate for them to check out whether the health prospects
of candidates are such that there is a reasonable hope that they will be able
to spend an adequate number of years in active ministry or at least without
being a financial burden on the limited financial resources of the diocese or
congregation because of deteriorating health. These finances have, after all,
been donated principally for the support of ministry and mission. Moreover,
canon law would seem to allow for such a requirement.
What about the arguments against
testing? Some argue that HIV testing does not provide the kind of assurance
that a diocese or religious congregation is looking for in terms of future
health prospects. While that might be true, it would seem to be equally true
that testing provides the only level of assurance that is available, however
inadequate it may be. However, there are other problems involved in testing.
The HIV test can give a wrong result. Also testing can result in excluding from
the priesthood or religious life people who might still have many years of
healthy, active life before them, despite their being HIV positive. The freedom
dimension is also linked to the right to privacy. Obligatory testing of all
candidates is undoubtedly an intrusion into a person's privacy. This would need
to be justified by some compensating major positive gain to the common good.
That needs to be proved rather than assumed, especially in view of the fact
that anyone who has been tested, regardless of the test, often becomes the
object of discrimination on the part of insurance companies and other financial
institutions. Since such discrimination is the result of the testing policy of
the diocese or religious congregation, it could be argued that the diocese or
congregation is obliged to accept at least some responsibility for any
financial loss incurred by a prospective candidate as a result of the ensuing
discrimination.
Very deliberately I posed the initial
question about compulsory testing not in terms of respect for freedom and
privacy but in terms of living positively with AIDS. I have repeatedly insisted
in this book that we are living in a 'time of AIDS'. Many would argue that in
this 'time of AIDS', there is a special moral imperative (even a 'call from
God') on dioceses and religious congregations to stand positively with those
who are living with HIV/AIDS. At the very least, this would mean doing nothing
that might seem to lend support to the tendency of many in society to
marginalize people living with HIV/AIDS or which might increase the negative
self-image and sense of alienation such marginalization can cause. In fact, it
could even be argued that the acceptance within the diocesan priesthood or in a
religious congregation of people with HIV/AIDS might provide a very powerful
counter-witness to those who look on HIV/AIDS as only affecting 'people out
there' and not really 'any of our concern', or who impose a stigma on anyone
living with HIV/AIDS. Belief in the Church as a sign and instrument of the
unity of the human family implies living in solidarity with people living with
HIV/AIDS. Theologically, this has been captured in the expression, 'the Church
has AIDS'. The presence of people living with HIV/AIDS in the priesthood and
the religious life might help to bring home that important truth. At a meeting
of Asian theologians on HIV/AIDS which I attended in Bangkok, I recorded in my
diary that one of the theologians present, himself a religious, 'said that he
dreamt of the day when every religious congregation would have HIV+ members who
would be fully accepted and valued among them as religious. He believed that
the congregations would be all the healthier for this.'
This last point, that in this 'time of
AIDS' compulsory HIV testing for future priests and religious would give a
counter-witness to the Gospel values we believe in clinches the argument for
me. Therefore, I believe that 'living positively with AIDS' excludes such
compulsory testing.
2. Is the Church living positively
with AIDS when it opposes using condoms as a help towards preventing HIV
infection?
There are two distinct issues which
need to be treated quite separately here. One concerns condom use as a
component in governmental HIV prevention programmes. The other concerns the use
of condoms within marriage when one partner is HIV infected.
(a) Condom use as a component
ingovernmental HIV prevention progammes
One of the health measures adopted in
many countries has been to encourage non-HIV-infected people to use condoms if
they are going to have sex with someone they cannot be absolutely sure is free
of the virus. One phase of AIDS policy in the UK consisted in a massive and
very expensive campaign along those lines. This policy later came in for strong
criticism from the gay community on the grounds that, due to the government's
unwillingness to appear supportive of gay sex, this campaign had diverted
resources from where they were needed much more urgently, that is, to promote
educational work among the gay community themselves since, at that point in
time, they were the ones most at risk.
The Catholic Church has tended to
object to this 'safer sex' educational policy and its promotion of condom use.
It claims that such a campaign ignores the moral dimension of sexual activity,
namely, its relational side. What is needed, it is argued, is to encourage
young people to take the relational dimension of sex more seriously. Hence, the
Church has refused to participate in any 'safer sex' campaigns and has limited
its contribution to the 'relationship' agenda. One of the few slight
modifications to this united front on the part of the Church is found in the
first letter of the US Bishops' Conference on HIV/AIDS, 'The many faces of
AIDS: a gospel response', issued on 11 December 1987. (The full text was
published in Origins., 24 December 1987, pp. 481-9.) It contained the
following passage:
Because we live in a pluralistic
society, we acknowledge that some will not agree with our understanding of
human sexuality. We recognise that public educational programs addressed to a
wide audience will reflect the fact that some people will not act as they can
and should; that they will not refrain from the type of sexual or drug abuse
behaviour which can transmit AIDS. In such situations educational efforts, if
grounded in the broader moral vision outlined above, could include accurate
information about prophylactic devices or other practices proposed by some
medical experts as potential means of preventing AIDS. We are not promoting the
use of prophylactics, but merely providing information that is part of the
factual picture. Such a factual presentation should indicate that abstinence
outside of marriage and fidelity within marriage as well as the avoidance of
intravenous drug abuse are the only morally correct and medically sure ways to
prevent the spread of AIDS. So-called safe sex practices are at best only
partially effective. They do not take into account either the real values that
are at stake or the fundamental good of the human person, (p. 486)
This letter was issued by the
Administrative Board of the US Bishops' Conference without being cleared by the
Conference as a whole. When it appeared it provoked an outcry, not least among
some of the bishops themselves, most notably Cardinal O'Connor of New York. In
the light of this negative reaction, although this pastoral letter was never
officially withdrawn, a replacement letter was put together. Entitled 'Called
to compassion and responsibility: a response to the HIV/AIDS crisis', it
appeared on 9 November 1989. It was issued in the name of the whole Bishops'
Conference and gave no hint of toleration towards any preventive health policy
involving the promotion or distribution of condoms. It simply asserted that
'advocating this approach means in effect promoting behaviour which is morally
unacceptable'. Between the two letters and as a comment on the first letter,
Cardinal Ratzinger had written to the papal nuncio, Archbishop Laghi. stating
the real cause of the AIDS problem was 'the permissiveness which, in the area
of sex as in that related to other abuses, corrodes the moral fibre of the
people' (quoted in Richard L. Smith, Aids, Gays and the American Catholic
Church, p. 66).
Another slight breach in the Catholic
Church's united front opposing promotion of the use of condoms in HIV
educational programmes was detected by some critics in the HIV/AIDS educational
pack produced for schools by the Archdiocese of Edinburgh. This carried an
imprimatur from the Archdiocese. According to a report in the
Guardian (11 November 1995) the Congregation for the Doctrine of the
Faith (CDF) 'criticised the pack for advocating the use of condoms for people
who are HIV positive'. The actual wording found in the pack itself read:
Medically it has been shown that
condoms do reduce the risk of infection but they are not 100% safe, and should
not be seen as the answer to the problem. They do not make for safe sex. In
marriage where one or both partners are HIV-positive, and the couple wish to
continue to express their love sexually, they have a right and duty to use
protection.
The CDF asked for the
imprimatur to be withdrawn and for Catholic educational institutions to
cease using the pack (cf. Briefing, 16 November 1995, p. 39).
A similar opposition to the promotion
and use of condoms as a health measure has been characteristic of most bishops'
conferences in developing countries too. As a result, many have publicly
opposed any Government HIV/AIDS campaigns involving the promotion of condom-use
for the purposes of 'safer sex'.
More recently in 1996 the Social
Commission of the French bishops' conference produced a 235-page symposium on
AIDS entitled SIDA: La societe en question (Paris, Bayard
Editions/Centurion). The press coverage gave the impression that this
constituted a major defence of the use of the condom in public health campaigns
to prevent HIV transmission. In fact, the text is highly critical of such
'safer sex' campaigns and argues that at a public level they can do more harm
than good. However, in a personal contribution to the symposium the president
of the Social Commission, Bishop Albert Rouet, concedes that the use of condoms
is 'understandable in the case of people for whom sexual activity is already an
integral part of their lives and there is serious risk of their being infected
by the virus' (p. 194, n. 49). However, he immediately adds that 'this course
of action does not help to educate a person towards sexual maturity'. The
general tone of the symposium reflects a conviction that the HIV/AIDS pandemic
is an indication that there is something badly wrong in society. It argues that
this underlying evil urgently needs to be tackled.
Although this document was less open
to condom use than was suggested by press reports, it provided reporters with
the opportunity of discovering that a number of bishops had independently
adopted a similar line to Bishop Rouet. For instance, it was reported in The
Tablet (24 February 1996, p. 272) that a 'less than absolute prohibition'
stance had been taken by Cardinals Lustiger, Simonis and Eyt and the late
Cardinals Decourtray and Coffy, as well as by Archbishop Aguilar and Bishops
Bonfils and Cornet. Of particular interest is the statement of Bishop Alanis:
'If, with the use of the condom, we can save the harmony of the conjugal union,
I believe that can be admissible.' Bishop Victor Guazzelli's comment to The
Tablet is particularly noteworthy: 'It seems to me that if people are set
on intercourse they at least have the obligation of not passing on disease and
death, even if the only means possible to them is the use of the condom. This
seems to be common sense.' I suspect many readers will say Amen' to that! After
all, though there may be disagreements about how sexual loving is intended by
God to be 'life-giving', there is surely no disagreement that God certainly did
not intend it to be 'death-dealing'.
A number of points need to be made in
this connection.
First of all, the anti-condom
approach seems to ignore the fact that concern for bodily health is actually a
moral issue. A government health authority would be failing in its duty if it
did not do everything it could to safeguard and promote the health of its
citizens. Hence, it needs to be recognized that in encouraging citizens to act
in a way which offers less of a health risk a government is encouraging its
citizens to behave more ethically. To oppose a government following this course
of action would seem to be tantamount to obstructing a government in carrying
out its moral obligations towards its citizens.
Some bishops have objected that to
promote the use of condoms for 'safer sex' is to mislead people. The use of a
condom does not guarantee there will be no risk of infection. Hence, a
pro-condom campaign can give people a false sense of security. This objection
is legitimate to the extent that it is engaging the issue precisely on health
grounds. These bishops are claiming that, precisely as a health measure, this
is not a good policy. A similar claim was made in a letter to The Tablet
(25 November 1995, pp. 1508-9) by Dr Michael Jarmulowicz of the Guild of
Catholic Doctors. The problem, however, is that this objection does not seem to
be valid in the light of the best scientific evidence currently available. In a
subsequent letter this is pointed out by Dr Michael Abbott, a consultant
genito-urinary physician caring for people living with HIV/AIDS:
Two kinds of data (i.e. in
vitro and in vivo) have been collected on the relationship between
barrier methods of contraception and sexually transmitted diseases. The in
vitro data generally show that high-quality latex condoms are impermeable
to the passage of HIV and other organisms. As regard in vivo studies,
what is clear is that consistent condom use confers substantial protection
against HIV transmission but that inconsistent use carries considerable risk of
HIV infection. (The Tablet, 9 December 1995, p. 1579}
Dr Abbott's point is corroborated by
the Jesuit physician, Dr Jon Fuller, who is Assistant Director in the Clinical
AIDS Programme at Boston City Hospital and Assistant Clinical Professor of
Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine. Dr Fuller, too, is immersed
in working with people living with the virus. In his HIV/AIDS: An
Overview. (Chicago, National Conference of Priests, 1995), he writes:
For those who choose to engage in
high risk behaviours despite all warnings, the routine use of latex condoms can
decrease the risk of acquiring HIV There is no doubt that a number of factors
can contribute to the failure rate of condoms, including improper timing in the
use or improper technique in their application . . . Due to these multiple
potential sources of error, the pregnancy rate for condoms has often been
quoted as quite high, often in the neighbourhood of 10-15%. However, these
statistics may represent the intermittent employment of condoms by
inexperienced users. Studies with couples who use condoms correctly all the
time have reported pregnancy rates as low as 2 %. More recent data from three
studies evaluating the use of condoms to prevent HIV transmission from one
infected member of a stable sexual relationship to the individual's uninfected
partner suggest that consistent and correct use of latex condoms can
significantly reduce the risk of acquiring HIV in this situation.
One observational study followed 245
HIV-discordant heterosexual couples (in which one member is HIV-infected and
the other is not) for a median of 22 months; in all, the only risk for the
uninfected member to become HIV-infected was intercourse with his or her
infected partner. In retrospect, half of the group had used condoms 100% of the
time, the other half had used them intermittently. As compared with 12
documented infections in the group using condoms intermittently, no infections
were observed among those who used them consistently despite an estimated
15,000 episodes of intercourse.
In another study of 282 Greek
prostitutes, no infections occurred over an observation period of two years
among a group who had increased its use of condoms from 66% to 97% of the time.
This change was also accompanied by a decrease in the frequency of syphilis
from 17% to 3%, and in gonococcal infection from 14% to 0%.
A third study compared transmission
rates from infected haemophiliacs to their sexual partners. Among 31 couples,
14 always used condoms, and 17 used them occasionally or not at all. Over an
observation period of two years, there were 3 sero-conversions in the
intermittent use group (a 17% transmission rate), compared with no infections
in the consistent use group, (pp.'29-30)
Moreover, in his 1996 Distinguished
Jesuit Lecture, AIDS Prevention and the Catholic Moral Tradition', at St Louis
University Health Sciences Center, Dr Fuller mentions some new population-based
data from Uganda and Thailand which also seem to indicate that condom-use can
have a significant impact on HIV prevention. For instance, the Thai
government's 100% Condom Campaign increased the use of condoms by
commercial sex workers from 50 per cent to more than 94 per cent in the space
of four years. Dr Fuller notes that this 'was accompanied by a reduction in
sexually transmitted diseases - taken to be a surrogate marker for new HIV
infections - from 6.5 per 1,000 to 1.64 per 3,000 (AIDS prevention: a challenge
to the Catholic moral tradition', in America, 28 December 1996, pp.
13-20, at p. 18). In a country where HIV infection is running at 2 per cent of
the population and where many married men frequent commercial sex workers, it
is estimated that the success of the government's campaign has had a notable
impact as a HIV prevention measure.
Dr Fuller accepts the the significance
of the above evidence for government programmes which include condom-use as one
component of their overall strategy. He believes that the studies cited
'demonstrate that these approaches can be part of the solution, that in real
life situations they have significantly prevented HIV transmission and have
saved many lives'. However, he repeats his warning that 'condoms cannot be
taken as an absolute guarantee against infection during intercourse'. He states
very clearly that 'condoms cannot make unsafe sex safe; they only make it less
unsafe'. Nevertheless, he still insists that 'for those individuals who choose
to engage in high risk activities, condoms can reduce the risk'.
In the light of this evidence,
therefore, it would seem highly responsible for a government, as a part of its
HIV educational programme, to encourage very strongly the use of condoms by
those who, despite all warnings, insist on engaging in high-risk activities.
The same would be true for individual doctors, including Catholic doctors. I
fully agree with Dr Abbott's judgement when he writes:
I, and the vast majority of Catholic
doctors I know, would have no hesitation whatsoever in recommending the use of
condoms if a patient with HIV infection or any other sexually transmissible
infection (whatever their marital status or sexual orientation) intended to
have sexual relations with another person. (The Tablet, 9 December 1995,
p. 1579)
It might be objected that the Church
is in the business of moral education, not health education. Though there is
some truth in that objection, it can also be dangerously misleading. Concern
for health is a moral issue. It certainly loomed large in the ministry of
Jesus. In fact, he seems to have placed health-care above the dictates of
religious observance in some of his confrontations with the Pharisees. In the
light of the evidence quoted by Dr Fuller regarding the health benefits of
condom-use for prostitutes, I cannot help thinking that Jesus's angry reaction
to the Pharisees when they objected to some of his cures on the Sabbath would
have been equally in place when some misguided Filipino Church officials forced
the Bethany Growth House drop-in centre for prostitutes to stop instructing
their clients about the use of condoms (cf. AIDS in the Philippines: A
Situation Analysis, JIC, 1994, p. 74).
Spokespersons for the Catholic Church
often argue, with some justification, that 'safer sex' education is
short-sighted and sells health concerns short. The only behaviour-change that
will really prevent the spread of the AIDS virus is the observance of strict
moral standards in the field of sexual ethics - 'no sex before marriage', 'no
sex outside marriage' and 'no sex between same-sex couples'. However, the
problem with this position is that the Church seems to be asking the state to
present the Church's ethical teaching under the guise of health
teaching. Obviously, the Church has every right to offer its ethical vision of
good human relationships to the nation. It can even argue that following this
vision is the road to better psychosomatic health. It is even legitimate for
the Church to seek by democratic means to persuade the nation that it should
embrace this kind of moral code as its agreed common morality, though here it
would also need to insist that the state guarantees the freedom of those who,
on conscientious grounds, cannot accept this common morality. However, what the
Church cannot do is demand that the state should refrain from what it considers
to be important features of health education simply because the behaviour
involved runs counter to the Church's moral teaching. Such a demand would seem
to be all the more unreasonable on the part of the Church when it is a case of
moral teaching which does not seem to be accepted by a good proportion of the
Church's membership.
It is not strictly accurate to say
that the AIDS virus is being spread because of immoral behaviour. It is being
spread mainly because people who have the virus are having sex with people who
are not infected. That is a medically accurate reading of the situation. At
this level, the only fully effective way of stopping the virus spreading is for
such sexual behaviour to stop. Failing this, the next best thing is ensure that
when such sexual behaviour occurs, the possibility of the virus being passed on
is reduced as much as possible.
There is no way a government can step
in and control all the sexual behaviour of its citizens, short of a George
Orwell scenario. The permanent quarantining of all HIV positive persons would
be making those infected the scapegoat for society's problem. It would be
ignoring the fact that, in very many cases, the spread of the virus is due to
the irresponsible behaviour of non-infected people. It is likely that a strict
quarantine policy would only be possible in a highly totalitarian society. Yet
it is remarkable that the quarantine policy followed in Cuba, contrary to the
horror stories circulated about it, was conducted in an increasingly humane
fashion. It also seems to have been extremely successful as a method of HIV
prevention in the country. An interesting account of this policy has been
written up by Nancy Scheper-Hughes, AIDS and the social body', in Social
Science and Medicine., 1994, pp. 991-1003. As we seen already, those who
are particularly at risk through such irresponsible behaviour are prostitutes
and other young p eople, even children, who are victims of the sex industry.
Almost certainly they would be targeted as the identifiable groups who would be
made the scapegoats in any quarantine policy.
Probably the best a government can do
in a democratic society is to launch an educational drive to encourage
behaviour change. According to what we have considered already, this should
have two components to it from a health point of view.
The first should be aimed at making
people who know they are HIV positive more aware of their responsibility not to
pass the virus on to others. It would point out that the most effective way to
do this is to refrain from any sexual activity which would put others at risk.
Failing that - and, in the case of a married couple when one is infected, that
scenario need not imply anything morally questionable - the next best option is
to make sexual activity as safe as possible through the use of a condom.
The second component should be
directed at those who are uninfected by the virus. It should be aimed at making
them more aware of their responsibility to take care of their own health.
Hence, it will need to provide accurate information about how the virus is
transmitted and what steps can be taken to prevent this transmission. Clearly,
discussion of condom-use and the provision of accurate information about its
effectiveness in preventing transmission of the virus will be part of this
educational package.
However, such a policy should not be
limited to purely health considerations. The moral climate of a country is very
much the concern of a government, even though responsibility for this climate
is shared by the whole community and, in a particular way, by the Churches and
other religious bodies. Education in a positive sexual ethic should be a major
concern of any government striving to prevent the spread of HIV infection. The
argument of this book is that a Christian sexual ethics should be positive,
joyful, life-loving, attractive and celebratory of our sexuality. If the
Churches are willing to listen to and sympathize with the government's concern
for all dimensions of a health education programme, there is more likelihood
that the government will be supportive of personal relationship educational
programmes which are based on such a positive sexual ethic.
(b) The use of condoms within
marriage when one partner is HIV infected
When one partner is HIV positive or
has advanced to full-blown AIDS, something new enters into their relationship
which affects them both. Given the nature of HIV/AIDS, the infected partner
might well feel an extra need for that love and reassurance which can be
expressed so deeply in marital intimacy. And the other partner, if sensitive to
that need, might well be all the more anxious to respond fully to that need.
Since they have both made that high-level exercise of their freedom in giving
themselves to each other in their marriage commitment, they believe that that
commitment must be honoured by making love, especially now in this 'time of
AIDS' in their lives. If their love-making is, as Vatican II teaches, a channel
of God's love for each of them, they might well feel the need for it all the
more at this crucial time.
However, they also recognize that
safeguarding the health of the non-infected partner is a moral concern for both
of them, if they are truly to respect each other as human persons. This serious
moral obligation will take on an additional gravity if they have children who
are likely to end up dependent on the care of the non-infected parent. A
morality based on the dignity of the human person will have no difficulty in
recognizing that such a couple may, and even should, use a condom if their
love-making involves sexual intercourse. In doing so, they are being true to
their dignity as human persons. They are, therefore, doing what is God's will
for them.
Bob Vitillo recounts a very telling incident in this
connection;
In one workshop which I was
conducting in the Philippines, a religious sister stated that HIV-infected
persons would simply stop having sexual relations if they really 'loved' their
partners. One lay woman in the group quickly added the correction: 'You do not
understand what married love involves. Sister. If my husband were infected with
HIV I would need to continue my sexual relationship with him in order to
express the fullness of my love for him and to receive strength and comfort
from him on the long road ahead of us.' (unpublished address to National
Catholic AIDS Ministry Conference, Chicago, 25 July 1994, p. 10)
Another HIV/AIDS scenario might be one
in which the relationship between the couple is oppressive of the wife's
freedom and far from the high level of equality and mutuality present in the
above story. If it is the husband who is HIV positive in this case and if he
demands intercourse as his right from his wife, sexual ethics must make it
crystal-clear that this is not his 'right'. He has no right to endanger the
health of his wife in this way. She has every right to refuse him, unless he is
prepared to take adequate precautions. Obviously, in such a situation, it may
be very difficult, even dangerous, for a wife to refuse her husband. To do so
could put her at risk in a different way, as a result of her husband's violence
towards here. A scenario like this presents a pastoral challenge to the Church
on a number of fronts:
- The Church's earlier understanding implicitly
legitimated this kind of behaviour and attitude on the part of a husband. Today
we recognize that this violates the Church's own criterion of the dignity of
the human person. Hence, every effort needs to be made to disabuse both
husbands and wives of this earlier understanding and so reduce the harm it is
still causing, especially to women, within marriage.
- The criterion of the dignity of the human person
means that, if a wife feels she has to agree to sex in the kind of scenario
envisaged above, any Church official who told her that it would better if her
husband did not use a condom would be perpetrating a serious injustice against
her.
- As long as a lower-level interpretation of marriage
is still in practical operation, it would seem that an important dimension of
the Church's work of marriage preparation and continuing support for couples
would be in the area of assertiveness-training for wives. This might be more
necessary in some cultures than in others.
|
 |